- Al-Julani’s transformation from extremist leader to political strategist
- The dark past of Shadi al-Waisi and its implications for Syria’s future
- The judicial system under al-Julani: fear, torture, and coercion
- The role of international powers in shaping Syria’s radical landscape
In a striking transformation, Abu Mohammad al-Julani, once branded as an international terrorist, has embarked on a diplomatic charm offensive across neighboring states—countries he had previously condemned as traitorous and accused of serving foreign interests. His rebranding effort, aimed at securing external support, masks a deeper agenda: the consolidation of his authority under the pretense of governance and national liberation.
This calculated strategy reached its peak when he made his highly theatrical entrance into Damascus, portraying himself as Syria’s savior in a scene that bore more resemblance to a Hollywood spectacle than to a credible political transition. His declaration of a so-called “war of liberation” on an American news network underscored the irony of his approach—seeking Western legitimacy while continuing to operate within an ideological framework that long defined him as an extremist.
Abu Mohammad al-Jolani’s Road to Power: A Turning Point for Syria and the Region
Al-Julani’s diplomatic maneuvering in the region is not merely about gaining legitimacy but also about financial survival. Reports suggest that beneath the guise of seeking international cooperation, he is actively courting financial and logistical support. His engagement with regional powers, previously labeled as adversaries, reveals a stark contradiction—an indication that his ideological rigidity bends when political survival is at stake.
The Role of Shadi al-Waisi and His Dark Legacy
At the heart of al-Julani’s administration lies Shadi Mohammad al-Waisi, the newly appointed Minister of Justice in the Syrian Transitional Government. Al-Waisi, whose tenure in the legal system has been tainted by allegations of extrajudicial executions and severe human rights violations, embodies the underlying hypocrisy of this so-called reformist administration.
A recent exposé by the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation (NRK) brought to light disturbing footage from 2015, showing al-Waisi overseeing the execution of two women accused of “moral crimes.” In one video, he is seen reading out the verdict before the execution; in another, he is filming the act himself. These revelations have sparked widespread condemnation and raised pressing questions about the credibility of a judicial system led by an individual with such a track record.
Al-Waisi’s past is marred by his association with radical judicial structures in the Syrian conflict. Born into a conservative environment, he was educated in Islamic law and gradually rose through the ranks of the judicial apparatus in opposition-controlled territories.
His tenure saw the enforcement of draconian punishments, including public floggings, stonings, and amputations—punishments imposed with a level of severity that echoed the darkest periods of extremist rule in the region.
Al-Julani: A Legal System Built on Fear and Torture
To understand the depth of the judicial crisis in Syria today, we spoke to a Syrian political analyst, who fled the country after the fall of the Assad regime. For security reasons and fear for his family, he asked to remain anonymous, so we will refer to him as “Khaled.”
According to Khaled:
“The new judicial system in Syria is a disaster—there are no real laws, no real courts. Instead of trained and recognized judges, the system is run by criminal sheikhs. They claim to be implementing Islamic Sharia law, but in reality, most of them do not even know which version of Sharia they are enforcing. There have been no elections, and no one can say that the people of Syria accept or want these Islamic laws.”
The brutality of this system is further evident in its approach to confessions and trials. Khaled described how the entire process is built on coercion and intimidation:
“All confessions are extracted by torture and violence. These so-called judges believe that all of their opponents are infidels, so they have already prejudged them before any trial begins. The impact on ordinary people is severe—most Syrians want a liberal way of life, which they have known for over 70 years. Many belong to large minorities who do not believe in Islamic law and reject its imposition.”
The International Context and the Role of External Powers
When asked about the future of this judicial system, Khaled warned that its endurance is directly linked to the geopolitical interests of external actors:
“The only way to prevent such a brutal system from prevailing in the future depends on the amount of international pressure on the governing group in Damascus, particularly on an economic level. Unfortunately, international actors have historically used terrorism and terrorists as a tool to achieve geopolitical goals. Al-Julani himself is a prime example of this. The United States and Israel wanted to topple Assad and limit Iran’s influence, so they supported groups like his.”
The Unfolding Crisis in Syria: A Complex Regional Chessboard
Khaled’s concerns extend beyond Syria, as he warns of the ripple effect that extremist governance can have on the broader region:
“The future of reconciliation in Syria is very ambiguous. These people do not believe in reforms or dialogue; they openly say they came to slaughter and take revenge. There is a fundamental contradiction between reconciliation, which requires forgiveness, and their ideology of violence. If political Islam succeeds in Syria, it will inspire other Islamist movements in the region—especially since these groups receive significant support from Turkey’s Islamic regime.”
The Weaponization of Extremist Ideology
Al-Julani’s administration has wielded extremist interpretations of religious law as a tool to suppress opposition. Dissenters, particularly those from minority communities, have faced systematic exclusion and persecution. The propagation of a rigid ideological framework, one that deems any alternative political vision as heretical, has made it clear that this regime views pluralism as an existential threat rather than as a democratic necessity.
Khaled emphasized how this ideological framework is not merely theoretical but deeply ingrained in the regime’s governance model:
“These extremist leaders see any opposition as a threat to their divine mission. They claim to be following a righteous path, but in reality, their governance is about maintaining power through fear. The use of violence and religious rhetoric is nothing more than a tool to justify their actions.”
The International Community’s Responsibility
Khaled concludes with a strong message for international actors:
“The international community must apply more economic and political pressure on Turkey, which is the main sponsor of political Islam worldwide. It must also support secularists in Syria, including the Alawites, Druze, and Kurds, who oppose this radical system. Without international intervention, Syria risks becoming a long-term hub for radical extremism.”
Conclusion: A Future Built on Fear, Not Unity
Syria’s future cannot be shaped by individuals who prioritize power over reconciliation. Al-Julani’s rise is not a story of redemption but of calculated reinvention, where the tools of extremism are repurposed for political gain. The presence of figures like al-Waisi at the helm of justice only reinforces the notion that this government is not committed to the rule of law but to the perpetuation of a regime that operates through fear, exclusion, and ideological rigidity.
If Syria is to emerge from its long and painful conflict, it must be led by those who seek genuine reconciliation, not those who view governance as a zero-sum game of power accumulation. The path forward must be forged by those willing to engage in inclusive dialogue, respect human rights, and build a future that serves all Syrians—not just those who subscribe to a singular ideological vision.